It was in 1992. The battle for the Secretary-Generalship of the United Nations (U.N) was already fierce between two contending countries, namely Nigeria and Egypt. The Nigerian official candidate was General Olusegun Obasanjo. He was being promoted by the then military leader, General Ibrahim Babangida.

The campaign for the UN secretary-generalship seat had peaked with Obasanjo facing a major opposition from the civil societies in Nigeria. Professor Wole Soyinka was a major voice in the campaign, which had assumed a global proportion at that time.

The Nobel Laureate and a cross section of the civil rights community were accusing Obasanjo of human rights abuses during his four-year tenure (1976-1979) as a military head of state. They believed, and argued forcefully, that Obasanjo was not fit to be the U.N Secretary-General. The campaign saw the professor shuttling major world capital cities to mobilise against the candidature of Obasanjo in an election. They threw everything into the campaign in which Nigeria's candidate was pitched against an Egyptian, Boutros-Boutros Ghali.

The campaign however took a dramatic turn one morning when both men met inside the departure hall of the Murtala Muhammed International Airport in Lagos. It was pay day for Soyinka who apparently was on his way out on one of his numerous trips, which Obasanjo knew too well could be in furtherance of the campaign to make him (Obasanjo) miss the opportunity to be the first African Secretary-General of the United Nations.

Obasanjo, like Soyinka, is not known to let go a chance to have it back on his enemies. So that morning, he stood up and started raining invectives on Soyinka who it appeared had made up his mind not to react to Obasanjo's provocation. As the Nobel Laureate was walking through the departure hall lounge, Obasanjo trailed him, calling him unprintable names as a large crowd gathered.

To make the abuse sink and have the desired impact, Obasanjo decided to communicate with Soyinka, a fellow Egba man, in Egba dialect, waxing one Yoruba proverb after the other: (Omo kekere bu Iroko, on wo eyin. Oro pe ojo kan ni Iroko npaniyan ni). That is, a child who has cursed the Iroko tree and became afraid, thinking the tree would take vengeance the same day. The professor took the attack in his strides, perhaps realising their campaign had sufficiently provoked their target. But the campaign was not to last long because someone intervened. Soyinka once told of a story about how the late presidential candidate of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP) and business mogul, Chief M.K.O Abiola had visited him in his hotel room, prostrated before him and pleaded that he (Soyinka) should cease his campaign against Obasanjo. Because of that gesture, he stopped the campaign though the damage was already done because Obasanjo still missed the post.

But that was not the only time the Nobel Laureate confronted Obasanjo or the institution the president represents. There have been many dating back to the time the duo were growing up. The background to the on-going feud or war of attrition between Soyinka and Obasanjo indeed has its roots in the distant past. First, they are both Egbas from Abeokuta. Naturally, as kindred, the likely perception would be that they would both work in concert to further whatever agenda that is common to them as Egbas and indeed Nigeria. They are also both in their 60s. But while Soyinka is 69, Obasanjo is 66.

But that is where the similarity between these two gentlemen and distinguished Nigerians ends. And like contending foes, Soyinka and Obasanjo have never really agreed on any known ideological or political cause. And this is quite evident in history. In 1966 when hostilities broke between the then General Yakubu Gowon's regime and the then Col. Emeka Ojukwu-led Eastern Region, while Soyinka worked against the Gowon's regime and was detained by agents of the state between 1967-1969, the then Colonel Obasanjo was the Commanding Officer of the elite Third Marine Commandos, an Army unit which spearheaded the war against the Ojukwu-led seccessionist Republic of Biafra. As Commanding Officer of the Third Marine Commandos, Obasanjo received the surrender instrument from defunct Biafra.

And as expected, shortly after Soyinka regained his freedom, he proceeded on self-exile to Britain and Ghana where he stayed till the overthrow of the Gowon regime in 1975. On the contrary, however, Obasanjo was not just an agent of that regime but indeed a prominent one at that. Apart from being a Commanding Officer of the Nigerian Army Corps of Engineers, Gowon had Obasanjo promoted to the position of a Brigadier and subsequently named Federal Commissioner for Works and Housing at a time when Soyinka was up in arms against the regime. Then came 1976 when a foremost political activist and mother of late Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, Chief [Mrs] Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti who fought for the country's independence was injured by marauding soldiers who invaded and set the late musician's "Kalakuta Republic", in Lagos on fire on the orders of top brass of the regime as was later revealed publicly by Major Mustapha Jokolo, the present Emir of Gwandu publicly. Naturally, apart from the fact that Soyinka and the late Fela are cousins, the death of Mrs. Kuti, following the invasion of Kalakuta Republic by agents of the then Obasanjo military junta was seen by Soyinka as the height of political rascality and crude dictatorship. For this reason, the university don and the soldiers clashed yet again.

Indeed, the killing of Fela's mother who was not just the first Nigerian woman to ride a car in 1945 but one who was regarded as the shinning Amazon of Nigerian politics provoked anger across the land. Thus to many, Soyinka's criticism of the regime's conduct at that time was not only natural but also a most welcome move.

Thus in 1992, when Soyinka and Obasanjo clashed again over the latter's decision to gun for the coveted seat of the United Nations Secretary-General, those who are familiar with the age-long disagreement between both men were not totally surprised.

But curiously, more than three decades after, the Soyinka-Obasanjo disagreements on political and ideological positions have not abated. Interestingly, Soyinka has exercised restraint on the Obasanjo government to the extent that many people have accussed him of being delibrately soft on his kinsman president. Mid last month, at the launch of the book, Medicine: My Passport, a book written by Emeritus Professor of Medicine, Professor Theophilus Ogunlesi, Soyinka did not waste a moment to shoot verbal darts at the President who came to the event an hour late. Soyinka who was delievering his speech when the president entered the venue of the book launch asked the event compere not to allow President Obasanjo speak as punishment for coming late. Not one to miss an opportunity such as the one the event presented, when President Obasanjo got up to make his speech, after unleashing a few mild invectives in Soyinka's direction, he said that it was the presence of the elders at the event that restrained him from putting Soyinka in his right place.

The present war of attrition has its background in a seemingly harmless but problematic letter, late Justice Minister and Attorney-General of the Federation, Chief Bola Ige wrote to Obasanjo intimating him of his decision to quit Obasanjo's cabinet to enable him re-energise his (Ige) party, the AD and hold Yorubaland for AD ahead of the 2003 general elections. To Soyinka, the PDP which stood to benefit from the murder of Ige is a suspect in the whole game of intrigues. Soyinka had also accused the presidency of having a hand in Ige's death going by the late politician's last letter to the President. But ,perhaps, to fully grasp the story, we may have to take it in context.



How It Began

In a fitting anti-climax to what is fast becoming a theatre of the absurd, last Wednesday, the third High Court judge to handle the Ige murder trial, Justice Moshood Abass, withdrew from further participation in the trial of Senator Iyiola Omisore who has been standing trial for conspiracy and murder of former Justice Minister and Attorney General of the Federation, Chief Bola Ige.

Abass who just last week took over the case from the former trial judge, Mr. Justice John Olagoke Ige, said he could not adjudicate on the case due to the "untold pressure... from unexpected quarters" in addition to threat to his personal life. Omisore, who the judge ordered last week to be remanded in prison would however remain in jail.

Abass had stated that for him to continue with the trial would be tantamount to "launching a serious assault on the 120-word oath of office I took as a judicial officer".

"To continue with the case will also be a breach of the solemn pledge I made when I became a judge i.e to administer justice without fear or favour and without ill-will or affection", he added.

According to reports, the drama in court began to unfold immediately after the case had been called with the accused person in the dock.Shortly after the various legal counsels announced their appearances, the expectation was that the defence counsel, Mr Kunle Kalejaiye would, as ordered by the trial judge, open his address to justify why the court should sustain the previous bail Justice Ige had granted Omisore.

But it was not to be as the judge proceeded calmly to write his ruling for about 20 minutes after which he read the following verdict to a stunned court room: "It is on record that my learned brother, honourable Justice J.O. Ige sent this case to the honourable Chief Justice for re-assignment on the 4th of July, 2003. "On the 11th of July, 2003,the honourable Chief Justice assigned this case to me to handle. I then gave Thursday the 24th of July, 2003 for the parties to appear before me. When this case came up that day, counsel to the accused person made a casual application orally urging me to allow the bail granted to the accused by my learned brother. Following the application, I invited counsel to address me whether I was bound to continue to grant bail by virtue of the fact that my learned brother granted bail to the accused. Counsel then sought and obtained adjournment till today to address me on the issue. I then made an order remanding the accused person in prison custody. Since I made the order of the remand of the accused person last Thursday and up till about 10 minutes before I sat this morning, I have been under untold pressure and threat from many quarters urging me to arrive at a particular decision even before I listen to the accused.

"Let me make it clear that as a muslim, the teaching of my religion is very clear about death being the ultimate. I am therefore not bothered about any such threat. I am, however, worried about the untold pressure coming from, as it were, unexpected quarters. "When I first took oath of office of the Oyo State High Court, I pledged to uphold the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to the letter. The provisions of the constitution do not allow me to form an opinion before I have benefit of presentation of the case or address of the counsel.

"The situation I have found myself as a result of the above stated fact is such that I cannot with all conscience and every sense of responsibility as a judge continue with adjudication in this matter without launching a serious assault on the 120-word oath of office I took as a judicial officer.

"To continue with this case will also be a breach of the solemn pledge I made when I became a judge (i.e) to administer justice without fear or favour and without ill-will or affection. In view of the fore going, I hereby remit this case file to the honourable Chief Justice for re-assignment to another judge".

Abass's ruling caused a mild confusion on whether Omisore should be allowed to go home on bail or sent back to prison custody. The issue was, however, resolved after the senior warder who brought Omisore to court approached the trial judge in his chambers and came out with another remand warrant.

THISDAY checks however revealed that Justice Abass has been transferred out of Ibadan Judicial Division.

Abass who was tranferred last week to Ogbomosho Judicial Division had been scheduled to move to his new station in October at the end of the annual judicial recess. The recess begins on August 1.

The ongoing trial of Senator Omisore had actually drawn the ire of some prominent Nigerians notably Soyinka and this is the kernel of his war of words with President Obasanjo. The erudite scholar had embarked on what has turned out to be a sustained volley of verbal flak against Obasanjo and the ruling PDP.

Soyinka had recently described as tainted the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Federal Government their handling of the murder of the late federal Attorney General and Justice Minister. Another angle to Soyinka's affront to President Obasanjo began on July 4, in a press interview granted by the professor. In the interview, Soyinka had alleged that the late Minister of Justice and Attorney-General, Chief Bola Ige had in his last letter to President Obasanjo stated that he (Ige) would ensure that the president won a second term in office but the president's party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) would not win any seat at any level in the South-West geo-political zone during last April general elections.

The Nobel Laurette had stated; "He (Ige) wrote in the letter that he would work for the re-election of Obasanjo for the second term. But that he would ensure, with everything he had, that the PDP does not win one single seat in the South-West."

He had also alleged that the slain Minister of Justice had expressed concern over the antics of the PDP hinting that there was a plan by the PDP to overrun the South-West politically. "But he said he would not allow them to get way with their plan, that he was ready for them."

Soyinka stated that the other person who was privy to the late Ige's letter to the President besides hinmself is Professor Sola Adeyeye who is a member of the House of Representatives and the secretary of the United Democratic Front of Nigeria.

He disclosed that the late Deputy leader of the Afenifere and Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) had intimated himself and Adeyeye of his intention to resign in the first quarter of 2002 in order to reposition the AD for the April polls.

Speaking further during the interview, Soyinka lambasted the authorities for the haphazard manner in which the investigation to unveil the killers of the late Minister of Justice was carried out, alleging that there was a deliberate ploy by the authorities to ensure that justice was not done. The implication of Soyinka's statement is that Ige's death could easily be located in the victory which the PDP would later win in the South-West at the April general elections.

Obviously unsatisfied by his statements against the President and the PDP, the Nobel Laurette at another forum stated: "The ruling party is tainted, INEC is tainted, the government is tainted, and many individuals, even of a disposition to objective exoneration or 'benefit of doubt' are placed in the bitter position of being tainted by mere association with any of these entities", said Soyinka.

In a statement entitled "Dancing on Ige's Grave", Soyinka had queried why a prime suspect in the murder of Ige, Otunba Iyiola Omisore, could be feted and treated like royalty by members of the PDP who went ahead to "rig" him into office as senator representing Ige's constituency. He stated that: "I am convinced, beyond any further doubt that there exists within the ruling party, a nest of murderers. Their purpose is power, and to attain and retain this at all costs is a mission that habours a deep contempt for moral scruples. This nest is prepared to subjugate the rest of the nation to a reign of terror, backed by a display of contempt that is best expressed by a familiar Americanese: In your face!.

"We are speaking of a cabal that has exercised such influence in policy that there is no question in my mind that some of its members are to be found within the higher reaches of government where they have redefined governance as the exercise of impunity, with all its guarantees, extending this protective umbrella to all their underlings who carry out nefarious instructions without any fear of consequences," he stated.

This was what Obasanjo set out to reply when he took up Soyinka on the contents of the letter of the late Attorney-General to him (Obasanjo).

The president's letter to Soyinka which was reproduced in a national daily had raised questions about Soyinka's motives: "It was with sheer disbelief and the utmost surprise that I read the contents of a statement which was credited to you by The Punch newspaper of Monday, 7 July, 2003, where you supposedly exposed the contents of a letter that my good friend and former Attorney-General of the Federation, the late and distinguished Chief Bola Ige, wrote to me a few days before his tragic murder.

"In the said statement, you were quoted as saying, inter-alia, that Chief Bola Ige had written a letter to me a few days before he was assassinated in which he purportedly said that 'he was ready to assist in ensuring a second term for the President but that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) would not win in any part of the South West.' You went further by saying that Chief Bola Ige 'wrote in the letter that he would work for the re-election of Obasanjo for the second term but that he would ensure, with everything that he had, that the PDP does not win one single seat in the South-West.' You were also quoted as saying that, 'the slain minister was worried about the antics of the PDP which he said was pointing towards a sinister plan to overrun the South-West politically but that he would make sure that the PDP did not win one local government in Yorubaland.'

"Now assuming that you have been quoted correctly and that you have indeed said such things, my response is as follows. The letter which Chief Ige sent to me and which was dated 19 December 2001 did not contain even one of these statements which you alleged were contained therein."

For effect, Obasanjo released or at least leaked, the contents of the last letter from the slain Attorney-General.

Part of the letter from Ige which the president copied Soyinka read: "There is much work to be done in Yorubaland for the purpose of consolidating strong participation in the governance of this Federal Republic of Nigeria in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance, freedom from fear and suspicion, and assurance that Yorubaland has a pivotal role to play in the sustenance of this Federal Republic. It is a complex situation which needs careful handling. I know and believe that I am up to the task. I will not be able to give enough attention to it if I remain in government beyond 31 March 2002. Although your Excellency and I may not be on the same wavelength when it comes to the issue of the federal structure of Nigeria and the inevitability of a national conference for a new constitution for the Federal Republic of Nigeria, I have found, in the last thirty months, that you are probably the most fervent Nigerian nationalist I have ever met, and your utter commitment to the unity of Nigeria even to the point that I sometimes fear that you may not care much about federalism is genuine...As you are no doubt aware, I am a disciple and apostle of Obafemi Awolowo, and I intend to harness the efforts of all of us who believe in his political philosophy towards the attainment and enhancement of the greatness of this country, taking into consideration, of course, of the facts on the ground at this point in time.

"Your Excellency is also aware that I have a pivotal role to play in my party, the alliance for Democracy (AD). While you are engineering your party (PDP), I need to strengthen my own, so that in 2003, there will be a credible, strong, clean national government in which the major parties will be well represented. In that regard, it is not merely because of our personal friendship that I wish it, it because I believe it will be the best for Nigeria, for all nationalities, and for Yorubaland which is my primary constituency. My prayer is that nothing will happen adversely which will frustrate the fond hope."

Now the question is: was Soyinka wrong to input that Ige's resignation had to do with his desire to make AD impregnable in the South-West? The answer, to most observers is NO!

Though the letter from the late Attorney-General did not make any direct references to ensuring that the president's party, the PDP would not win any seat in the South-West, Ige's intention to resign in order to strenghten his party's (AD) position in the South-West hinted at this. The late Attorney-General's reference to the the role played by President Obasanjo in engineering his own party, the PDP and the need for Ige to do same for the AD implies a foreknowledge of ongoing plots and emerging events on the political terrain within the zone.

Soyinka's claims of the late Minister of Justice support for the president was butressed by the adulation poured on President Obasanjo by Ige thanking the president for the opportunity to serve and also for the President's support and show of affection towards his (Ige) family.

Rather unexpectedly, Dr. Sola Adeyeye, one of those mentioned by Soyinka as being privy to the late Ige's letter, midweek, reacted to the president's claim that Soyinka had goofed in his disclosures about the late Minister of Justice's letter.

Adeyeye, a former United States university don, described Soyinka's revelations as "absolutely factual". He disclosed that indeed the late Attorney-General had opened up to him on his (Ige) fears about a grand design against the AD which he (Ige) wanted to checkmate.

"I can tell you one thing: This is the truth before almighty God: Everything Soyinka said was the truth and anybody who knew Bola Ige knew that he loved Obasanjo; he wanted people to support Obasanjo but he wanted to make sure that the PDP did not take Yorubaland. That was the fact. It was not something that Bola Ige said secretly. He said it openly. When, infact you read the letter to which the President was alluding, a copy of which I have and you read the statement that Wole Soyinka made, you frankly cannot understand on what basis the president is pretending to have an axe to grind with Wole Soyinka because the truth in this issue of the position of Bola Ige was never hidden. I love the president. I consider him as an uncle, but the truth of the matter is that he is not a man who enjoys being corrected."

While Ige is dead and there is yet no concrete clue as to who killed him, this war of words between Soyinka and Obasanjo cannot help matters.

Not a few people are, however, worried by the tone of Soyinka's latest letter arguing that he ought to have tempered his anger since he was writing the President. But the scholar believes he was injured and had to reply in kind.

Speaking at a press conference he addressed at Lagos State Property Development Corporation (LSPDC) playground, in Victoria Island, Lagos, last Friday, Soyinka stated that he does not take kindly to being accused of spreading falsehold and perfidy as President Obasanjo has done. "I am doing this publicly, this to me belongs to the area in which I can communicate with him directly, either by telephone or by letters." He however noted that "Obasanjo has created that situation and I intend to respond to it in kind. I don't take kindly to being accused of falsehold, perfidy, of malicious rumours... this language used in the president's letter is unbecoming of a Head of State, especially as it is totally unjustified."

The Nobel Laureate called on Nigerians to read the letter of Bola Ige, and read Obasanjo's letter to him (Soyinka) to see if there is any justification for the language used by the president in his published response to him.

He said he deserved a more courteous treatment from President Obasanjo "because you set out to assist some," he said that "it is not the first time I have done this on limited basis, I believe that the citizens of this country, myself included deserve a more courteous treatment from a Head of State whether he is a dictator or an elected one, or a selected one, I don't give a damn.

"When you try to assist someone, that individual however low in society deserves a more courteous, truthful and honest treatment from a head of state."

Giving background into the rift between himself and the President, he stated that "there are two letters involved. He published only one. And the one he published was in response to my article, Dancing On Ige's Grave. It is that article and also my interviews that prompted that letter (the President's letter published recently).

"However, I wrote him a letter before I received the one that was published resigning from my position as cultural consultant to COJA. I had intended to distribute a copy of that letter but I decided not. But if he chooses to publish the other insulting letter which he wrote to me in response to my resignation, then I will release my letter."

He disclosed that in his letter of resignation from COJA, he wrote to the President. "I told him to read my article, Dancing On Ige's Grave, because my reasons for resignation are contained in that article."

Commenting on what informed his resignation from COJA, Soyinka said: "As a result of the reasons given in my letter, and Obasanjo's response to me, he did say that he had withdrawn the name of Dr Oladapo from the names sent to the Senate, that was the last straw. And I made it quite clear in my letter that was the last straw. And when he replied me, he did say that he had withdrawn the name and even gave the moral reason which I had already quoted in my letter. Having undone what he was not supposed to have done in the first place, he still proceeded to insult me in that letter, despite admitting that he had been pointed in the right way as a result of that letter of resignation. But he still insulted and imputed very mean motive to my criticisms of his government... I really don't understand this man's mentality." THISDAY checks reveal that there has been insinuations from the Obasanjo's camp that Soyinka is upset with the President because his (Soyinka) candidates for ministerial appointments which included Dr. Yemi Ogunbiyi and Dr. Olu Agunloye (both Soyinka's associates) were not considered. THISDAY checks however reveal that Ogunbiyi who is also the president's kinsman lobbied for an appointment independent of any input from the Nobel Laureate. The former Daily Times Managing Director infact spent a week with Obasanjo last year after which he wrote a syndicated lenghty article which put the President in good light. Agunloye who worked under Soyinka during his days at the helm of the Federal Road Safety Corp (FRSC) was believed to have been schemed out of a ministerial appointment by Governor Olusegun Agagu of Ondo state.